Hedge Funds Take Another Look at Greek Debt

Maybe not for hedge funds looking to make money in Greek bonds.

Ever since last summer, when it became clear that private sector bond investors would need to take a loss to ease Greece’s debt burden, some hedge funds have been betting large sums of money on different outcomes. And for the most part, the funds have lost their collective shirt as the value of the investments sank

Now their investment noses are twitching again, this time at the prospect of buying the cheapest Greek bonds debt relief company on the street: long-term, local-law bonds that currently trade at 19 cents on the euro — a knock-down price that reflects Greece’s current condition. A number of funds of late have been assessing the debt as a potential investment, according to brokers and traders with knowledge of the matter.

Of course, the hedge funds are well aware of Greece’s woes, even after it was promised 130 billion euros in additional bailout funds this week.

But therein lies opportunity.

By buying these bonds and then swapping them for new longer-term Greek securities when the debt restructuring takes place next month, they stand to make a quick profit. Traders and analysts expect the new bonds to have a market value of 26 to 30 cents. As a bonus, the exchange would also include two-year bonds issued by the Europe Financial Stability Facility, the European rescue fund backed by guarantees from Germany, France and other euro zone countries.

“It’s a perfectly decent trade, although you will need broad shoulders given the risk,” said Gabriel Sterne, an economist at Exotix, a London-based boutique bank that specializes in trading and analyzing distressed debt. “Let’s say you buy at 21 and the deal goes through at 27 — that is a 28 percent return.”

To a certain extent, the trade mimics the first one put on by funds last summer when they bought bonds at 40 to 50 cents, hoping to swap them for new securities worth about 80 cents. They were burned, however, when Europe scrapped the first 20 percent haircut proposal for a much deeper one, sending the bonds to their current rock-bottom levels.

More recently, funds scooped up billions of euros of bonds maturing on March 20 in the 40-cent range, expecting Europe’s bailout of Greece to include funds to repay these bonds in full. With that prospect no longer likely, these bonds have been falling too, and now trade in the low 30s.

This latest trade carries profound risks as well. While the new bonds might hit the market at 27 cents or so, there is no guarantee that they will stay at that level, let alone appreciate in value — especially if Greece’s economic prospects continue to deteriorate and the country has to either restructure its debt again or default and leave the euro. And if the new bonds plummet in price, unloading them will become nearly impossible.

But the upside may be too tantalizing to ignore, given the short time frame involved (the deadline to get the deal done is March 20, when Greece faces a 14.5 billion euro bond repayment) and the potential return (possibly 28 percent in less than a month).

Moreover, if investors pile into the bonds and then agree to the swap, the chances improve that enough investors vote to participate in the transaction so that it actually takes place. That would make the trade a win for speculators as well as for Greece, whose debt will be reduced by 100 billion euros if the deal is completed.

In many ways the investor interest is a sign that the debt restructuring — without which Greece will certainly face a chaotic default — has a good chance of succeeding.

The latest sign is the draft of a collective action clause law that is expected to be passed by the Greek Parliament in the coming days. Known as a CAC, this clause is being attached to existing Greek bond contracts, giving Greece the right to force all investors to accept the 75 percent loss on their holdings – even those who choose to spurn the offer.

A CAC can be imposed only after it has become clear how many investors want to swap their bonds and how many will choose to opt out of debt settlement companies . Greece — in setting a participation threshold of 66 percent — is more or less indicating that it believes that percentage of investors will participate. Once that many vote to accept the terms, minority investors will be forced to share in the losses.

“My bet is that the reason they have set the threshold at 66 percent is because they believe they can meet that easily,” said Mitu Gulati, a sovereign debt expert at Duke University Law School. “No one wants this deal to fail.”

That especially applies to hedge funds holding Greek bonds.

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Property, Auto, Personal Property

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Obama urges corporate tax cut, closing loopholes

President Barack Obama launched a dialogue with corporate America on Wednesday over business tax reform, debt consolidation companies offering his first clear plan to cut the corporate tax rate, with little prospect of it becoming law in an election year.

The president proposed cutting the top corporate tax rate to 28 percent from 35 percent. This would address U.S. corporations’ long-standing gripe about the rate being too high. It is the world’s second-highest after Japan’s corporate rate.

In return for lowering the tax rate on businesses, the plan calls for broadening the corporate tax base by ending a number of tax breaks, some spelled out previously in Obama’s budgets, and most sure to be resisted by powerful corporate interests.

In a move partly to counter the unveiling of an economic plan by Republican presidential contender Mitt Romney, Obama’s proposal was rolled out at a briefing by Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner, likely marking the start of lengthy negotiations.

“The current tax code was written for a different economy, a different era,” Geithner said. He plans to meet next week with members of Congress to try to win support for the plan.

“This process will take some time. It will be politically contentious, some will say these proposals are too tough on business, others will say they are not tough enough,” he said.

Complicating the effort will be the approaching congressional and presidential elections in November, as well as deep divisions in Congress that have prevented lawmakers from dealing effectively with tax and budget issues for many months.

One tax break targeted in the Obama plan is the “carried interest” loophole that lets managers of private equity and some other funds pay the 15 percent capital gains tax rate on much of their earnings instead of the 35 percent top income tax rate.

The plan also tries to reverse tax incentives for corporations to relocate jobs and research overseas, while giving domestic manufacturing operations a special tax break.

In a new twist, the president proposed imposing a minimum tax on corporate profits earned in low tax countries.

Chances of a deeply divided Congress revamping a tax system regarded as convoluted across the political spectrum seems remote in an election year. The debt consolidation announcement is certain to fuel debate in the run-up to November’s elections.

‘HELPFUL START’

The president’s plan “is a helpful start to the much-needed discussion about how best to reform the corporate tax code,” said Maya MacGuineas, president of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, a deficit hawk activist group.

“However, it would be best to reform the entire code – corporate and individual – as well as major spending programs, to pass comprehensive fiscal and tax reforms at once. That would be a real boost to the economy,” she said.

After the presidential and congressional contests are decided in November, a number of major tax and budget issues will converge on Washington and new momentum for comprehensive tax reform may follow, analysts said.

Analyst Greg Valliere of Potomac Research Group called the timing of the release of the Obama plan a “cynical ploy” because Romney is expected to release his own tax reform plan shortly.

The administration’s plan “has virtually no chance of winning enactment this year,” Valliere said.

The last major rewrite of the tax code came in 1986 under Republican President Ronald Reagan, who raised corporate taxes.

Romney on Tuesday called for a flatter, fairer and simpler tax code. He is set to make a major economic speech on Friday in Detroit. Details of his tax plan were expected on Wednesday.

Obama last week unveiled a $3.8 trillion budget-and-tax proposal that called for aggressive government spending to boost the economy and for higher taxes on the rich.

On Friday, Congress approved extending a payroll tax cut through the end of 2012. Its expiration will coincide with several other fiscal earthquakes: the expirations of individual tax cuts enacted under President George W. Bush, and $1.2 trillion in automatic budget cuts across all government programs imposed as part of last year’s deal to raise the debt ceiling.

After these events and others, analysts said, thorough tax reform may be a realistic prospect. For now, they said, tax proposals will largely amount to political messaging.

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Authorities: Debt-Collector Scam Bilked Millions

A phone scam in which callers in India posed as debt collectors bilked millions of dollars out of more than 10,000 U.S. residents by using threats of arrest or the loss of their jobs debt relief , U.S. authorities said Tuesday in what they described as a first-of-its-kind investigation.

Callers drew on personal data snatched from payday loan websites, Federal Trade Commission official Steven Baker said. More than 20 million calls may have been placed over the past two years, with collectors demanding between $300 and $2,000 per call.

Such a far-reaching fraud with so many millions of calls flooding in from India is something investigators haven’t seen before and was fostered in part by the plummeting costs of international calls, Baker, the FTC’s Midwest director, said.

While federal authorities seem to have put a halt to this one scam by freezing the assets of a California-based business allegedly involved, Baker said other similar scams are almost certainly up and running.

“We think this is just the tip of the iceberg,” he said.

Authorities have received more than 4,000 complaints about debt-collection schemes in recent years, said Baker. They describe aggressive, foul-mouthed callers, some of whom claimed to be agents of a nonexistent Federal Department of Crime and Prevention.

JanLaree Dejulius, of Las Vegas, was at work at a university office when she got a call from a man who gave his name as Officer Black. He knew one of her relatives had taken out a debt consolidation loan online. If Dejulius didn’t pay up, he said he would send someone to her work to arrest her, she said.

“I said, ‘Yeah, I’ll pay you — whatever it takes (not to get arrested),’” the 57-year-old said at a news conference in Chicago. “I consider myself savvy, but I fell for it.” She eventually agreed to pay $763.

Some callers threatened to call victims’ bosses or sue them. The scare tactics were so effective that in some instances people agreed to pay hundreds of dollars even though they knew that neither they nor any acquaintances had payday debts, said Baker.

From 2010 to 2012, $5 million was paid in 17,000 transactions to accounts controlled by the alleged fraudsters. The targets included people who applied for loans by punching personal details into a payday site but whose applications were rejected, Baker said.

Payday loans are typically small, very short-term loans with extremely high interest rates that are effectively advances on a borrower’s next paycheck. It is often people cash-strapped or living from paycheck to paycheck who use the service, Baker said.

Baker said to guard against scam artists, consumers should demand a written notice with debt amounts and the names of creditors. Debt collectors never have authority to arrest anyone, Baker added.

Asked what advice she’d give to would-be victims if they get a call, Dejulius said they shouldn’t give in.

“Call them on it,” she said. “Call their bluff if you know you haven’t taken out a loan.”

Baker said many questions remain unanswered, including how debt consolidation companies callers obtained such a vast amount of payday-loan information. He said the U.S. government needs help from authorities in India, where it is thought that all of the bogus calls came from.

The FTC charged Villa Park, Calif.-based American Credit Crunchers LLC, Ebeeze, LLC and their owner, Varang K. Thaker, with violating the FTC Act and the Fair Debt Collection Practices Act. No criminal charges have been filed.

Thaker allegedly withdrew thousands of dollars paid by victims that ended up in his company accounts, though Baker said it wasn’t clear if the overall scheme was directed primarily from California or India.

A U.S. district judge in Chicago has issued an order freezing Thaker’s assets.

American Credit Crunchers or Ebeeze in Villa Park, Calif., did not have a current phone listing. There also was no listing for a Varang K. Thaker in the area. Federal court filings did not list an attorney for Thaker.

The Online Lenders Alliance, an industry group for companies that offer loans over the Internet, said it reported complaints about the fraudulent calls to the FTC two years ago and has worked with authorities to stop the scam.

———

In Greece, debt deal gets a mixed reception

Greeks greeted uneasily the news that their country will receive a new bailout that will likely protect it from a messy debt default and keep it in the euro currency bloc — but cost households years of economic hardship.

The initial relief created Tuesday by the 17-nation eurozone’s approval of a new euro130 billion ($170 billion) rescue package was offset by a grim reality: Greece faces many more years of sacrifice throujgh debt consolidation loans, on top of a grueling 24 months of austerity measures that have contributed to record high unemployment and a rapidly contracting economy.

“I don’t see (the agreement) with any joy because again we’re being burdened with loans, loans, loans, with no end in sight,” Athens architect Valia Rokou said.

The deal in Brussels gives Greece its second financial lifeline in less than two years — a combined package of foreign loans equivalent to about euro22,000 ($29,000) for every Greek citizen, children included. National debt already amounts to about euro32,000 ($42,300) each.

The hope is that the aid will grant the country the breathing space to enact widespread reforms and set it back on a path to growth.

Greece has been surviving since May 2010 on a first euro110 billion ($146 billion) batch of loans from the eurozone and the International Monetary Fund. That was not enough for the country to pay off its debts, however, and without more help the country faced defaulting on a bond repayment it could not afford next month.

Some in Athens noted that despite the gloomy future, the rescue deals lightened the immediate financial uncertainty looming over the countries debt relief.

“Everyone was depressed … This news gives me great joy,” said Christos Kontogeorgis, a pensioner.

As well as securing another deal with its European partners and the IMF, Greece is hoping to get its private creditors to agree a massive writedown in the holdings of their Greek debt. Banks, pension funds and other private investors are being asked to forgive some euro107 billion ($142 billion) of the total euro206 billion ($273 billion) in devalued Greek government bonds they hold.

Private bondholders will trade their bonds with new ones carrying much longer maturities and lower interest rates — an annual 2 percent by 2015, 3 percent to 2021 and 4.3 percent after that.

“It’s not every day that euro100 billion in public debt is written off, or loans for euro130 billion agreed,” Ta Nea newspaper said in an editorial. “There will be new sacrifices and difficulties, particularly for middle and lower earners. We must hope that this new period will become an opportunity for growth and better prospects.”

The head of the conservative New Democracy party, the junior partner in Greece’s interim coalition government, said the deal buys Greece time and hope of recovery.

“Greece is in pain and the people is suffering, therefore this is no time for jubilation,” Antonis Samaras said during a visit to Cyprus.

Greece is in a fifth year of recession, with the economy forecast to shrink 4.5 percent this year before starting to expand again in 2014 — although by then it will have contracted by more than 17 percent since the beginning of the crisis in 2009. Unemployment is at 21 percent, with one in two workers under 25 out of a job.

Majority Socialist leader George Papandreou urged Greeks “to continue the fight we have started, despite the huge price, and not abandon the effort halfway through.”

Without either aspect of Tuesday’s agreement, Greece would have soon been forced to default on its debts — halting pension and civil servant salary payments. In all likelihood, Greece would have had to leave the common European currency it joined in 2001.

“I feel relieved to start with, because my country has escaped the immediate danger it faced,” said Athens lawyer George Sabalos, 40. “But I’m also troubled by our partners’ demand that the country’s constitution should be modified as part of the guarantees they are seeking, because I believe that is a rather excessive demand that goes against the principle of solidarity.”

Greece has agreed to change its constitution, to give priority to debt servicing payments that will be put directly every quarter into a segregated account.

The country’s unions fiercely oppose further austerity measures that accompany the second bailout, and have called a protest rally outside Parliament in central Athens on Wednesday.

Prime Minister Lucas Papademos has called a cabinet meeting to discuss the additional cutbacks, which will be included in emergency legislation to be tabled later Tuesday. The draft law will force private sector employees to accept further salary cuts as a result of the minimum euro751 ($996) monthly wage being cut by 22 percent, and further cut pensions.

“Workers in our country refuse to accept the barbarity of the tougher neoliberal measures that have been extortionately imposed by our creditors, and that is why they will continue and step up their struggle … to block the destruction of our society,” the main GSEE private sector union said in a statement Monday.

GSEE and its public sector counterpart, the ADEDY, have staged a series of general strikes over the past two years. Many have turned violent, and as Greek lawmakers debated new austerity measures on Feb. 12 extensive rioting saw dozens of businesses in central Athens burnt and looted.

Three workers died in an Athens bank torched by rioters during a protest in May 2010.

Greek stocks opened lower Tuesday, and were 3.5 percent down shortly before closing. However, they’ve been enjoying big gains over recent weeks on the expectation that the bailout would be secured.

Greece is expected to hold national elections in April, after Papademos’ interim coalition fulfills its mandate by securing and implementing the twin bailout and debt relief agreement.

A new poll published Tuesday indicated that Samaras’ conservative party would come first in the vote, but without the majority needed to govern alone. The GPO poll for private Mega TV gave New Democracy 19.4 percent, followed by the Socialists at 13.1, and the new Democratic Left party with 12. The Communist party would get 9.5 percent, followed by the Syriza left coalition at 8.5 and the rightist LAOS — a former member of Papademos’ coalition — with 5.1 percent.

Some 63 percent of respondents said they would rather the elections led to a new coalition government.

Japan slowly wakes up to doomsday debt risk

* Tax hike in doubt and too small to stop debt pile-up

* Capital flight, bailouts, yen rout in worst-case scenario

* Market swings seen if tax plan fails, no breaking point yet

* Fears locals may lose nerve if C/A gap hits, reform stalls

* Emergence of alternatives to JGBs potential wild card

By Tetsushi KajimotoLeika Kihara and Tomasz Janowski

TOKYO, Feb 17 (Reuters) – Capital flight, soaring borrowing costs, tanking currency and stocks and a central bank forced to pump vast amounts of cash into local banks — that is what Japan may have to contend with if it fails to tackle its snowballing debt.

Not long ago such doomsday scenarios would be dismissed in Tokyo as fantasies of ill-informed foreigners sitting on loss-making bets “shorting Japan”.

Today this is what is on bureaucrats’ minds in Japan’s centre of political and economic power.

“It’s scary when you think what could happen if there’s triple-selling of bonds, stocks and the yen. The chance of this happening is bigger than markets think,” says a senior official.

Leaning back in a leather sofa in his office, the official appears relaxed, but the way he wastes no time answering questions about a debt meltdown, suggests it is an all too familiar topic.

The official, like many others interviewed by Reuters, declined to be named because of the sensitivity of the subject debt relief and his alarm over Japan’s $10 trillion-plus debt overhang has yet to be reflected in public debate or action. But these officials would be the ones pulling the levers in the command center if Japan were to be hit by a debt crisis.

 

The government borrows more than it raises in taxes, and its debt pile amounts to two years’ worth of Japan’s economic output, debt consolidation the highest debt-to-GDP ratio in the world.

It costs Japan half of the country’s tax income just to service its debt. Each year, Japan’s debt level increases by more than the combined gross domestic product of Greece and Portugal.

Yet Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda’s plan to double the 5 percent sales tax to 10 percent over the next three years is seen as far too timid to stop debts from piling up.

Furthermore, he has yet to win over many in his own party and half of the public while the opposition threatens to scupper the plan, which it supports in principle, to force snap elections.

Technocrats who might have once dismissed worst-case scenarios are now beginning to take them seriously as doubts grow over whether Japan is ready to act and as Greece’s budget meltdown stokes the euro zone’s debt crisis.

Conventional wisdom is that Japan is safe as long as it keeps covering about 95 percent of its borrowing needs at home. What emerges from a dozen or so interviews with fund managers and officials versed in monetary and fiscal policy is that a risk of domestic investors going on a strike is what makes them particularly nervous.

 

ARMAGEDDON SCENARIOS

The fact that bureaucrats openly discuss such disaster scenarios shows their concern that the public, politicians and even some people in financial markets do not take the situation seriously enough, and that the debt blowout will become a self-fulfilling prophecy if necessary steps, such as raising taxes, keep getting pushed back.

But to some economists who have followed Japan for years, the frustration is that the country has yet to solve its underlying problems of slow economic growth and stubborn deflation. As long as those conditions persist, it will be difficult to crawl out from under the debt burden.

“If you wind the clock back five or 10 years, they’d have been saying all the same things and probably with a very similar time horizon of three to five years,” said Richard Jerram, chief economist at Bank of Singapore.

“If you’re worried about it, and you think you’re three to five years away (from a potential crisis), why not do something about it now by trying to boost growth in the economy? Awareness of the problem never seems to translate into a response.”

While officials stress it is too early for a definite contingency plan, there seems to be an agreement that financial institutions will be the hardest hit because of their big government bond holdings, and that the Bank of Japan will play a key role in shoring up the sector.

“The most important thing, in the event of a crisis, is perhaps not trying to affect fund flows by buying government bonds in huge amounts, but to make sure Japanese banks aren’t forced to sell en masse to meet day-to-day funding,” one of the officials familiar with BOJ thinking said. “Once it becomes a banking sector problem, it’s very hard to contain the damage.”

In an event of a surge in yields, the Bank of Japan could flood money markets with cash the way it did after the March 11 credit card debt earthquake and act as a market-maker for the bond market, matching bids and offers if they fail to meet, officials say.

The finance ministry could also be forced to redeem bonds ahead of maturity to calm investors, says Yoichi Miyazawa, former vice finance minister and upper house lawmaker for the opposition Liberal Democratic Party.

Miyazawa, who led work on the party’s crisis plan, says the worst case scenario could involve bank bailouts and Greek-style austerity if debt servicing costs soared, threatening to eat up a big portions of revenues.

“The government should show a concrete roadmap for rebuilding public finances, including the kind of reforms adopted by Greece, which involve painful credit card debt  belt-tightening, slashing welfare spending and boosting sales and other tax rates,” he said.

Finance Ministry data confirms that banks, rather than the budget, would take the hardest, most direct hit. First, the 2012/13 budget plan is based on 10-year yields of 2 percent, giving the government some cushion considering those bonds are currently yielding less than half of that.

Secondly, its simulations show adding 1 percentage point to borrowing costs would add 1 trillion yen to about 22 trillion in borrowing costs over the course of one year, rather than double them as some commentators warn, because the spike would only affect newly issued and rolled over debt.

 

TIPPING POINT

What sets Japan apart from Europe’s crisis-hit nations is that it borrows almost exclusively at home and with domestic savings of some 1,500 trillion yen ($19 trillion) it can do it paying less than 1 percent for 10-year bonds.

Deflation and the yen’s long bull run foster a “patriotic” home bias among households and institutions, turning private savings into quasi public money, always there and easily accessible.

In addition, the central bank acts as a buyer of last resort for the market, taking up large amounts of government bonds both as part of its annual quota of more than 20 trillion yen and an asset-buying plan launched in 2010.

That explains how a nation with one of the lowest tax burdens in the OECD and a stagnant economy never seemed to have trouble rolling out hefty stimulus packages or subsidising social security. In fact, the system got so entrenched that bond sales are often reported as budget “revenue,” not borrowing.

The $10 trillion question is when that money or local investors’ patience will run out.

Budget arithmetic and demographics suggest that it will take another decade before Japan’s swelling ranks of retirees will begin to run down their vast savings to the point where Tokyo will need to start borrowing more from overseas lenders.

The optimistic view is that until then the government can keep rolling over the snowballing debt with ease.

“There’s a very strong system in place where all the stakeholders benefit from how things operate now,” says one official.

“Japanese banks don’t have anywhere else to invest, so park their funds in the JGB market. The BOJ supports this by accepting JGBs as collateral. The only thing that could trigger a bond sell-off would be a huge pull-out of deposits from banks, which is hard to imagine.”

The government’s current medium-term fiscal plan seems based on this optimistic view, assuming a leisurely pace of adjustment and aiming to get close to primary balance, where revenues match spending excluding debt costs, no sooner than in 2021.

Pessimists — and there seems to be a growing number of those among the bureaucrats — think there is much less time.

These bureaucrats play a major role in managing Japan. Over decades of virtually single-party rule, Japan developed a system where expertise and formulation of policies would be the domain of elite bureaucrats rather than elected politicians.

The ruling Democratic Party of Japan promised to challenge that system when it swept to power in 2009 alienating many ministry officials. Since Noda took over last September though, he has been repairing relations with bureaucrats and has particularly good, close relations with officials at the finance ministry, which he headed before.

 

POLITICAL TEST

Officials and fund managers say the first test of nerves could come as soon as next month when the parliament is due to debate the government’s proposed sales tax hikes.

Noda calls it a tax and social security reform, but critics say it is a misnomer given that the plan does not prescribe any substantial cuts in pension and health care spending.

Rating agencies, the International Monetary Fund, and many economists also agree that what is on the table will at best slowdown the piling up of the debt.

“It is much too little, much too slow,” says Koji Sakuma, chief economist at the Institute for International Monetary Affairs think-tank headed by a former top currency official.

Sakuma estimates the sales tax would need to go to 25 percent or more to close the financing gap built up over the past 20 years when Japan failed to respond to rising costs associated with rapid ageing by adjusting taxes and social security premiums.

Even tax hikes on such a scale will fail to reduce the debt burden if Japan remains stuck in deflation and anaemic growth, he warns. “If we stay in this situation, this amount is never repayable. It’s just impossible.”

But even a modest rise is seen as a watershed for Japan where raising the sales tax has been a political taboo for years.

Noda’s chances look dim because the opposition, which controls the parliament’s upper house, wants to leverage that and block the tax plan to force Noda to call an early election.

Yuuki Sakurai, head of Fukoku Capital Management, asset management arm of Fukoku Life Insurance, says the proposal’s failure could jolt both foreign and domestic investors. But like many other market players, Sakurai stresses that many big institutions have no choice but to stay invested in Japanese bonds.

“A failure to make a decision would greatly ruin sentiment in the JGB market, but investors such as life insurers and pension funds have the obligation to pay in yen, so increasing foreign assets would be a risk for them too.”

Dan Farley, chief investment officer at State Street Advisors, a U.S. firm that manages institutional investors’ assets, sounds less concerned. His point is that, ironically, Europe’s crisis helps Japanese bonds.

“Our view is that Japan, much like U.S. Treasuries, continues to be viewed as a safety holding for investors, so given that fact we ultimately always expect that there will be a certain level of demand for those bonds that ultimately helps mitigate any drastic move in interest rates or a sell-off of these bonds.”

Farley, speaking in a Tokyo office on the 39th floor of a swanky Tokyo midtown office and shopping complex in the Roppongi district, exudes confidence that contrasts with apocalyptic scenarios spun by some bureaucrats.

“If the sales tax hike plan falls apart, that would give foreign investors a chance to start speculative JGB selling,” says a government official. “Such foreign players got burned in the past but whether they would succeed this time depends largely on how Japanese traders and investors would react. If the Japanese lose faith in JGBs, they would follow suit and trigger a sell-off.”

 

FUKUSHIMA LEGACY

Most officials are not as bearish and believe that while the market may see volatility and some spike in yields from today’s record lows, the cards for now remain stacked in JGBs favour.

But they sound genuinely worried that a failure to act on taxes now will make Japan more vulnerable when it reaches the next critical point. That may come if the nation’s current account — the broad measure of its dealings with the world — swings into deficit.

Hefty surpluses have allowed Japan to accumulate foreign assets exceeding 300 trillion yen, making a nation with the most indebted government also the world’s biggest international creditor.

But soaring fuel imports since the Fukushima nuclear crisis drove the trade balance into deficit in 2011 for the first time in three decades and probably brought closer the moment when the current account will also fall into the red.

JPMorgan Securities sees it happening in early 2015, but notes it would take several more years to run down the asset cushion.

Its analysts give only a 5 percent chance that over the next three-to-five years Japan’s debt will plunge into crisis, which they define as a surge in 10-year bond yields towards 4 percent. In such a case, domestic financial institutions would dump foreign holdings to cover losses on Japanese government bonds, letting the crisis spill into other countries.

Under a slightly more benign scenario, which the Asahi newspaper reported this month as part of Mitsubishi UFJ Financial banking group’s contingency plan, a deficit would come in 2016 and drive 10-year yields to 3.5 percent. The report, which Reuters has been unable to verify, said the bank would respond by selling longer-term bonds and switching to short-term bills.

Fund managers say such scenarios remain hypothetical as long as global investors shun risks and the Japanese lack attractive alternatives to big-scale holdings of yen-denominated government debt.

A resolution of Europe’s debt crisis and return of risk appetite combined with a lasting reversal of the yen’s upward trend and a return of carry trade using the yen to fund investments in higher-yielding assets could change that.

Farley says the emergence of government debt of new economic powers such as China or Brazilas safe high-grade investment could also allow Japanese investors to diversify away from JGBs, though he expects such a change would be gradual.

Tokyo technocrats worry that the psychological impact of Japan losing its long-cherished status as a top capital exporter could produce an explosive mix if combined with a sense of policy paralysis and better alternatives elsewhere.

“The worst-case scenario, or capital flight, would become reality if the Japanese start feeling that Japan will go into steady decline and they will find no reason to keep their assets at home.”

Stocks and euro gain on rising hopes of Greek debt deal

WORLD stocks hit a six-and-a- credit card debt  half-month high and the euro gained yesterday on hopes that Greece will seal a long-awaited bailout deal next week.

Prices of US and German government bonds fell and Italian and Spanish debt consolidation loan yields dropped as optimism that Greece would be able to avert a disorderly default curbed a ‘flight to safety’.

Greece edged closer yesterday to winning a indoor air cleaning new rescue package as officials said Germany was optimistic a deal could be struck when eurozone finance ministers meet on Monday.

Equities in Europe hit a more than six-month high on the outlook for a Greek debt deal and shares of eurozone banks rose.

“I think we’ll get this Greek deal and the euro will edge higher. But Greece is clearly not out of the woods and its problems will be revisited many times in coming months,” said Paul Robson, strategist at RBS.

Meanwhile, a €130bn bail-out of Greece will contain unprecedented controls on Athens‘ ability to spend funds, officials said.

The agreement, which officials hope to finalise on Monday, is likely to include an escrow account that must always contain enough cash to pay Greece’s debt for nine to 12 months. If the account falls below that level, money will be taken from funds earmarked to run the Greek government, according to people briefed on the talks.

In addition, the bailout will include a permanent and beefed-up presence of international monitors who will attempt to keep real-time tabs on the Greek government’s spending decisions, officials said.

The ECB has also secured protection against forced losses on its Greek government bonds in a move that should make it easier for profits on its holdings to be put towards Greece’s second bailout.

The ECB’s Greek bonds, bought for €40bn, will be exchanged for new bonds exempt from any legal action by Athens to impose losses. Such protection was seen by the ECB as essential if it was to co-operate with debt consolidation companies the complex choreography behind the eurozone’s official rescue plan for Greece. It could also trigger legal action by other Greek bondholders arguing the ECB has received unfair treatment. (Reuters)